Battle of Scheveningen, 10 August 1653, by Jan Abrahamszoon Beerstraaten

Battle of Scheveningen, 10 August 1653, by Jan Abrahamszoon Beerstraaten

Battle of Scheveningen, 10 August 1653, by Jan Abrahamszoon Beerstraaten

This painting of the Battle of Scheveningen (10 August 1653), by Jan Abrahamszoon Beerstraaten, focuses on the fighting around Admiral Tromp's flagship the Brederode. To the right two ships are burning after fireship attacks - probably the Andrew and the Triumph, both of which survived. A third English ship, the Oak was destroyed by a fireship.

Picture reproduced with the kind permission of Seaforth Publishing


Dutch destinations: beat the crowds at seaside Scheveningen

The time has come for DutchNews.nl to cover Scheveningen, the famous, and some might say infamous, seaside community that sits on the edges of The Hague. Brandon Hartley took the plunge to find out what else the resort has to offer apart from sunburn and crowds.

All right, first things first. Scheveningen is not everybody’s cup of tea. Those searching for some good old fashioned peace and quiet should head to one of the more laid-back towns in the Wadden Islands. If you’re feeling a bit brave, and don’t mind sand-craving hordes, there are some jewels to be found among all the touristy tackiness.

Scheveningen dates back to the 13th century and served as a fishing village for much of its 700+ year history. However, on a fateful day in 1653, it attracted thousands of spectators who witnessed the Battle of Scheveningen, the final naval clash in the First Anglo-Dutch War.

The Battle of Scheveningen, 10 August 1653 by Jan Abrahamsz Beerstraaten

In the years that followed, Scheveningen withstood mighty storms as well as English military fleets, but perhaps its fiercest threat arrived in 1818. That’s when an entrepreneur named Jacob Pronk built a wooden structure on the beach and announced that his new bathing facility was open for business. Word soon spread that Scheveningen was a great place to go for a good soak and crowds began showing up in droves, particularly from Germany.

Later during World War II, so the story goes, German spies were outed by being asked to pronounce the resort’s name. Scheveningen is now best known for its tourist attractions and, yes, it’s technically a district of The Hague.

Things to do

Hide in a bunker
Once you get a look at the crowds on the beach when the temperature climbs above 17 C, you may want to head for shelter. If it comes to that, the Stichting Atlantikwall Museum Scheveningen has got you covered. Scheveningen was almost completely destroyed during World War II. This series of bunkers now houses the museum’s educational exhibits, which cover these dark times as well as the construction of the Atlantic Wall.

Check out some art
If sculpting sand castles isn’t your idea of a good time, you can check out the efforts of the professionals. Scheveningen is home to a collection of impressive sculptures located in and around a historic pavilion at the Museum Beelden aan Zee. If you’re with kids, don’t forget to swing by the nearby sculpture garden that features whimsical works by the American sculptor Tom Otterness. One is the twelve-metre tall ‘The Herring Eater’, a tribute to the wonders of consuming fresh fish while holding it over your head by the tail.

Head to the harbours
Scheveningen’s three harbours are still primarily used for fishing and shipping, but one corner has been set aside for recreation. Along with a marina for yachts and the occasional tall ship, there are plenty of cafes that serve fresh seafood.

If you’re curious to learn more about the local fishing industry, you can get a look behind the scenes at the fish auction house. It offers tours once or twice a month, but you have to wake up early. They typically get going around 7 am. The harbours are also home to the country’s largest Vlaggetjesdag (start of the raw herring season) as well which will take place on June 13 this year. It is a totally manufactured event, but picturesque none the less.

Visit the aquarium or the theatre
You can get up close and personal with creatures both small and somewhat bigger at Sea Life Scheveningen. This family-friendly aquarium features sharks, sea turtles, clownfish, and a few other species your kids are probably familiar with thanks to Finding Nemo and/or Dory. There are also sections devoted to penguins and otters. Just be prepared for school groups on weekdays and birthday parties on the weekends.

Meanwhile, the AFAS Circustheater offers a year-round array of stage productions and musical events that cater to both young and old.

Go for a stroll
Check for any winter weather warnings on the KNMI website or the harbour webcam prior to committing to plans, but the Scheveningen shoreline and the surrounding area are great for walks pretty much any time of the year.

The beach itself is 4.5 kilometres long and divided into four areas. Sunbathers and families typically gravitate towards the Noorderstrand near the pier while the other three tend to be quieter, but be warned! There is one stretch set aside for nudists. You can find more information about local walking and hiking routes over here.

Where to stay

The five-star Grand Hotel Amrâth Kurhaus sits like a king upon his throne and overlooks Scheveningen’s shoreline. The prices aren’t as bad as those you’ll find at similar lodgings in Amsterdam, and there’s no denying it’s one of the most impressive hotels in the country. It also has tons of history packed into its walls. Just one anecdote: The Rolling Stones played a disastrous concert in its ballroom in 1964. The show ended after just ten short minutes when the crowd started rioting and tearing the place to shreds.

Hotel Andante aan Zee is a cute and cosy alternative. The exterior resembles an old Victorian, and it’s located on Scheveningen’s highest dune. Camping Duinhorst is over on the outskirts in Wassenaar and can accommodate both caravans and tents.

Where to eat

Many of the cafes in Scheveningen largely cater to tourists. De Eetkamer van Scheveningen gets good reviews for a menu that includes fusion dishes along with three, four, five, and even six course ‘surprise’ dinners. Waterproef, meanwhile, specialises in seafood and meat dishes and boasts an impressive wine list.

Simonis has a devoted clientele who have flocked to its multiple locations in/around the district for decades. They’re family-friendly and great places to go if you prefer your seafood fried. They routinely win awards for their herring, too. Head to The Ice Cube on the pier for gelato made with fresh ingredients.

How to get there

Scheveningen is easy to get to by car but good luck with finding parking during the summer season. Many opt to take the trams from The Hague Centraal, but those can also be jam-packed during that time of the year. Cycling is a good option if you leave the car out of town.

Anything else?

The North Sea Regatta takes place every May and features yacht races. If old VW vans and Beetles are more your thing, there’s an event for them called Aircooled Scheveningen that is also in May.

The date for the 2020 edition of Scheveningse Dag hasn’t been announced yet at the time of this writing, but it features live music, unique locals dishes, and a market.

You can also join thousands of other daredevils on the shores of Scheveningen and jump into the North Sea with an orange beanie on your head during the Unox-sponsored Nieuwjaarsduik (New Year’s Dive). This incredibly popular event takes place annually on the morning of 1 January.


Cuprins

După victoria englezilor de la Gabbard neerlandezii au fost forțați să se întoarcă în porturi, iar englezii au început să blocheze coasta Țărilor de Jos. Economia neerlandeză a început să se prăbușească imediat: au apărut șomajul în masă și chiar foametea în unele orașe costiere. Negocierile de pace au reînceput când 4 delegați neerlandezi au ajuns la Londra la 27 iunie, însă au considerat inacceptabile condițiile oferite de către Consiliul de Stat, care acționa ca un guvern interimar după demiterea Parlamentului Trunchiat și înainte de inaugurarea Adunării Numite. Consiliul a insistat că războiul a fost pornit datorită agresiunii lui Tromp de la Dover din 1652 și că, prin urmare, Țările de Jos trebuie să despăgubească Anglia. În plus, Consiliul dorea să formeze o uniune politică între cele două republici, care ar fi amenințat statutul Țărilor de Jos ca stat independent. În ciuda eforturilor de mediere ale lui Oliver Cromwell, negocierile au ajuns într-un impas. Doi dintre delegații neerlandezi s-au întors la Haga la 6 august pentru a se sfătui cu Statele-Generale.

Dar în același timp cu purtarea negocierilor de pace, neerlandezii și-au reconstruit flota cu succes. Pentru a pune capăt blocadei, neerlandezii au mobilizat toate navele disponibile pentru a încerca să spargă blocada și pentru a face o ultimă încercare pentru a obține victoria. Maarten Tromp a adunat 85 de nave (sursele variază între 70 și 100 de nave de război) pe Maas, în timp ce Witte de With comanda o escadră mai mică de 31 de nave (sau 27 nave după alte surse) la Texel, la 80 de mile spre nord.

După cum era obișnuit în Primul Război Anglo-Neerlandez, navele englezilor erau mai mari și erau echipate cu mai multe tunuri, și mai grele, însă neerlandezii erau mai buni navigatori. Flota neerlandeză era organizată, ca și la Gabbard, în cinci escadre comandate de locotenentul-amiral Maarten Tromp pe Brederode (58 tunuri), vice-amiralul Jan Evertsen pe Vlissingen (40 tunuri), vice-amiralul Witte de With pe Vrijheid (44 tunuri), comandorul Michiel de Ruyter pe Witte Lam (40) și, respectiv, de vice-amiralul temporar Pieter Florisse pe Monnikendam (38), și conținea între 110 și 127 nave de război.

Flota engleză, comandată de Generalul-pe-mare George Monck, era alcătuită din 110 până la 120 nave de război și aproximativ 5 nave incendiare, dintre care 10 dintre ele erau nave de prima și a doua categorie și mai puternice decât orice navă pe care o dețineau neerlandezii. O parte din navele avariate la Gabbard nu erau încă active, dar flota era încă aproape de puterea maximă. Generalul-pe-mare George Monck, aflat pe Resolution (88 tunuri), comanda Escadra Roșie și deținea comanda supremă a flotei John Lawson pe George (58 tunuri) comanda Escadra Albastră iar William Penn pe James (66) comanda Escadra Albă. Nici una dintre flote nu și-a schimbat organizarea în escadre din Bătălia de la Gabbard.

Neerlandezii au făcut prima mișcare la 3 august când Maarten Tromp a părăsit ancorajul de pe Maas cu aproximativ 80-100 nave de război și 5 nave incendiare și s-a îndreptat spre estuar și spre ieșire. La 5 august Witte de With a ieșit în canalul exterior de la Texel, în fața portului Helder, de unde se putea retrage foarte ușor în siguranță dacă ar fi fost atacat sau putea veni în ajutorul flotei principale a lui Tromp dacă acesta ar fi fost atacat în timp ce se îndrepta spre nord. Englezii și-au dat seama că neerlandezii încercau să își combine forțele. La 6 august Monck a convocat un consiliu de război, în care s-a decis ca flota engleză să își concentreze flota împotriva lui Tromp.

La 7 august 1653 flota neerlandeză a amiralului Tromp a trecut de Scheveningen pe la înserat, ora 20:00, urmând un curs nordic cu un vânt dinspre sud-vest. În același timp flota engleză sub generalul Monck a ridicat ancora dintr-o poziție la 9 mile marine de intrarea de la Helder și a păstrat în timpul nopții un curs nordic cu vântul dinspre vst-sud-vest.

Englezii l-au găsit pe Tromp înainte de amiaza zilei de 8 august, pe la ora 8:00, în dreptul localității Egmont la 19 mile marine de Helder, navigând spre nord de pe Maas către Texel. Nu se cunoaște ordinea exactă a flotei, dar deoarece urma un curs nordic, vântul sufla dinspre vest și se știa că flota engleză trebuie să fie în apropiere, escadrele neerlandeze erau probabil dispuse una după cealaltă, distanța dintre avangardă și ariergardă fiind probabil 4 mile marine sau mai mult. Se pare că escadrele erau în ordinea De Ruyter, Jan Evertsen, Tromp și Florissen, deși nu se știe exact cine conducea. Cam în același timp Monck, care a schimbat cursul spre sud pe la ora 6:00, se afla puțin la nord de Helder. Nu se cunoaște ordinea flotei engleze în acel moment. Pe la ora 9:00 navele de cercetare ale ambelor părți au raportat apropiere inamicului. După 2 ore cele două flote s-au zărit una pe cealaltă iar vântul s-a schimbat dinspre nord-vest, dând avantajul englezilor. Ei au coborât cu vântul pentru a ataca, în timp ce neerlandezii au păstrat vântul în babord până pe la ora 13:00, când au schimbat cursul, comandanții de escadră împreună, iar ceilalți în succesiune, și s-au îndreptat spre sud-sud-vest pentru a atrage inamicul departe de țărm și pentru a îi permite lui De With să iasă în larg de la Helder și să i se alăture lui Tromp.

Răspunsul imediat al lui Tromp a fost să întoarcă cursul spre Sud-Sud-Est pentru a-i atrage pe englezi departe de De With, ce ar fi putut ieși în larg. După această manevră escadra lui Florissen se afla cu siguranță în avangardă iar cea a lui De Ruyter în ariergardă. Tromp spera să evite lupta până la joncțiunea forțelor neerlandeze. Dar englezii l-au urmărit și pe la ora 16:30/17:00 după-amiaza cele mai rapide nave engleze din avangardă au ajuns din urmă cele mai lente nave neerlandeze din ariergarda flotei lui Tromp în dreptul localității Katwijk (între Texel și Haga). Pentru a veni în ajutorul acestora din urmă, Tromp a strâns din vele și a așteptat apropierea inamicului. Pe la ora 19:00 Resolution, nava amiral a lui Monck, și cam 30 de nave engleze au fost implicate într-o luptă de la distanță cu navele lui Evertsen și De Ruyter. La lăsarea întunericului, pe la 20:30, lupta a încetat, englezii pretinzând că au scufundat 2 nave inamice până la lăsarea întunericului fără să piardă nici una din ale lor, deși pierderile umane au fost ridicate la bordul navelor care s-au angajat în luptă. Ambele flote au rămas pe poziții, englezii mai sus în vântul dinspre nord-vest, iar pe la ora 2:00 dimineața se aflau foarte aproape.

La 9 august vântul dinspre vest și nord-vest a fost prea puternic pentru a permite o bătălie și ambele flote s-au concentrat pe păstrarea unei distanțe sigure față de țărm. Având vântul împotriva lor, nici una dintre flote nu a făcut vreun progres spre nord, dar escadra lui De With a putut lua largul și a reușit să coboare spre Tromp. Monck a păstrat cursul spre sud, crezând că neerlandezii se aflau încă sub vânt. Însă în timpul nopții, undeva între orele 2:00 și 4:20 dimineața, Tromp a virat cu babordul spre nord și până la răsăritul soarelui se afla sus în vânt, la nord și est de flota engleză, care a întors cursul și i-a urmat pe neerlandezi în siajul lor. Astel Tromp s-a poziționat printr-o manevră strălucită la nord în vânt față de flota engleză, avânt cale liberă către Helder și escadra lui De With.

Witte de With a ieșit în larg la răsăritul zilei de 9 august și pe la ora 14:00 l-a zărit pe Tromp. La sfârșitul zilei, pe la ora 17:00 sau 18:00, cele două escadre neerlandeze s-au unit iar cele două flote se afla lângă Scheveningen, chiar lângă micul sat Ter Heijde, pe coasta de lângă Haga. Operația neerlandezilor a reușit deci și flota lor număra de acum vreo 120 nave de război, cea mai numeroasă din tot războiul. [1] În acest moment ambele flote urmau un curs spre nord-nord-est, englezii aflându-se în vânt de siajul neerlandezilor, adică în partea de unde primeau vânt, și doar 1,5 mile marine le despărțeau una de cealaltă. Tot timpul zilei vântul suflase puternic dinspre vest-nord-vest sau nord-vest, vremea fiind mohorâtă și apăsată. Imediat după ce a făcut joncțiunea, flota neerlandeză a virat, nu se știe dacă împreună sau în succesiune, și a coborât în atac, dar englezii au refuzat să primească bătălia și au virat și ei la tribord. În timpul nopții vremea a devenit mai moderată și ambele flote au urmat un curs spre vest-sud-vest cu vântul dinspre nord-vest.

Vremea a fost mai potrivită pentru bătălie la 10 august după ce vântul a slăbit în intensitate și și-a schimbat direcția dinspre sud. Ambele flote erau acum la babord și se extinseseră în linie de șir pe divizii pe o distanță de 4-5 mile marine din avangardă până la ariergardă și erau foarte dezordonate deoarece vântul își schimbase direcția dinspre nord-vest la sud-sud-vest și a rămas ușor. Neerlandezii erau la aproximativ jumătate de milă în vânt și se pare că aveau un oarecare avantaj asupra englezilor. Ordinea în care naviga fiecare flotă nu este cunoscută explicit, dar poate fi reconstituită din rapoarte.

Deoarece Escadra Albastră nu a virat decât la ceva vreme după cea Roșie și a intrat în luptă abia la o oră după aceasta, se poate accepta că ordinea flotei engleze era din avangardă în ariergardă Albă (Penn), Roșie (Monck) și Albastră (Lawson). Flota neerlandeză se pare că era aranjată din avangardă în ariergardă în ordinea De Ruyter, Jan Evertsen, Tromp, Florissen, De With, adică aceiași ordine ca în acțiunea din seara de 8 august doar inversă, cu alăturarea lui De With care menționează explicit că escadra sa se afla în ariergardă față de centru. Între 16:30 din 8 august și schimbarea de vânt din 10 august, ambele flote au schimbat direcția de două ori. Nu se știe exact cu care din aceste ocazii ordinea a fost inversată.

Tromp nu a folosit însă avantajul vântului pentru a străpunge și întoarce linia dușmană ci, după vechea obișnuință tactică, a tăiat-o, a revenit în vânt și iar a tăiat-o. Chiar înainte de ora 7:00 dimineața, englezii formați în linii de escadre aflați la o milă și jumătate de inamic în dreptul localității Scheveningen, i-au atacat pe neerlandezi: Escadra Roșie condusă de Monck pe Resolution a virat în succesiune și pe la ora 7:00 a navigat spre neerlandezi. Conform articolului 3 din Instrucțiunile de Luptă, Penn pe James trebuie să fi virat în același timp pentru a angaja inamicul din dreptul său, și a condus Escadra Albă undeva către centrul flotei neerlandeze, neputând să țintească mai sus. Lawson, care conducea Escadra Albastră de pe George, aflându-se în ariergardă și neputând să ajungă la nici un punct din flota neerlandeză a rămas, în mod natural, pe poziții până pe la ora 7:00 când a virat și el.

Situația la ora 7:00 era următoare: Penn urma să treacă prin escadra lui Tromp iar Monck prin cea a lui Florissen, în timp ce Lawson se afla pe punctul de a vira. Neerlandezii au răspuns spărgând și trecând prin linia engleză, cu Tromp pe Brederode conducând atacul, și a urmat o luptă de la scurtă distanță. La începutul luptei Tromp a fost ucis de un glonț de muschetă de pe catargele navei-amiral a lui William Penn. A fost dus sub punte rănit mortal și a murit la scurt timp apoi. Ultimele cuvinte ale lui Tromp au fost "să aveți mult noroc". La sfatul lui De Ruyter, steagul lui Tromp a fost păstrat ridicat pentru a evita demoralizarea flotei iar căpitanul navei Brederode, Egbert Bartolomeusz Kortenaer, a preluat comanda escadrei și a continuat lupta. Însă până după-amiază 12 nave neerlandeze s-au scufundat sau au fost capturate iar multe altele erau prea avariate pentru a continua lupta. Jan Evertsen a preluat comanda flotei.

Imediat ce a văzut amenințarea lui Monck asupra ariergardei, De Ruyter a virat și și-a condus escadra în ajutorul lui Florissen. Era mereu dornic de luptă și a angajat lupta foarte serios, după cum o arată cele 78 de pierderi umane și toate catargele doborâte ale navei sale. Între ora 7:00 dimineața și 13:00 după-amiaza cele două flote au navigat în zig-zag cu borduri opuse una prin cealaltă de patru ori, ceea ce înseamnă că neerlandezii au virat de 3 ori iar englezii de 4 ori. De observat că englezii și-au îndreptat atacul asupra ariergardei neerlandeze și că ei au virat în succesiune de escadre, dar nu există nici o mărturie că și neerlandezii au făcut același lucru sau că l-au urmat pe De Ruyter și au virat în succesiune după acesta.

Bătălia a continuat toată dimineața și mult din după-amiază. Liniile opuse au trecut una prin cealaltă de mai multe ori, făcând schimb de salve de tunuri și fără să încerce să abordeze sau să captureze navele inamice. Apele calme și vântul ușor îi avantajau foarte mult pe englezi, permițându-le să își folosească cât mai bine tunurile mai grele. Cu toate acestea, având avantajul vântului la începutul luptei, navele incendiare neerlandeze au creat haos printre corăbiile englezilor. Nava Oak (26) a fost incendiată și scufundată. Worcester (44) a fost agățată de către Garland, care fusese capturată de către neerlandezi la Dungeness și luată în serviciu cu numele de Roosencrans, și a fost incendiată serios. Trei nave incendiare s-au agățat de Triumph (60), nava amiral alui James Peacock, vice-amiralul Escadrei Roșii. Deși Peacock și-a condus echipajul pentru a eschiva navele incendiare și a stinge focurile, el a suferit arsuri grave în luptă și ulterior a murit datorită rănilor. Thomas Graves, contra-amiralul Escadrei Albe, a fost și el ucis împreună cu mulți dintre oamenii lui atunci când Andrew (56) a fost atacată de nave incendiare.

Lupta generală de la scurtă distanță a durat până pe la 13:00 când schimbarea direcției vântului le-a oferit englezilor avantajul, punct în care flota neerlandeză a început să se dezintegreze treptat. În acest moment englezii au virat pentru a cincea oară, dar neerlandezii au refuzat continuarea luptei. Multe nave neerlandeze erau atât de avariate de către canonadă încât nu mai puteau continua lupta. Atât De Ruyter cât și Evertsen au fost nevoiți să fie remorcați în siguranță la gura Maas-ei. În același timp De With, care a preluat comanda flotei împreună cu Floriszoon, a decis cu greu să se retragă. Pentru a evita repetarea dezastrului de la Gabbard, el a dus cu succes, împreună cu 30 de nave, o luptă disciplinată de ariergardă care a minimizat pierderile și avariile aduse flotei în retragere. Navele neerlandeze care au rămas în vânt s-au îndreptat spre port spre sud-est, în timp ce restul au fugit sub vânt urmărite de englezi. Lupta a continuat până pe la 20:00 seara, și abia atunci supraviețuitorii neerlandezi au părăsit scena. Moralul a fost distrus și grupuri mari de nave comandate de căpitani civili au fugit spre nord. De With a încercat să îi oprească din fugă, dar a trebuit să se mulțumească doar cu acoperirea retragerii spre Texel.

Cum flotele au navigat una prin cealaltă, avantajul era evident de partea celei mai ordonate, care se pare că era flota engleză, de vreme ce navele neerlandeze care pierduseră vântul erau împrăștiate. Fiecare viraj succesiv a izolat mai multe nave neerlandeze, forțându-le să cadă sub vânt, dar traversând linia inamică în borduri opuse a făcut bătălia să fie mai puțin decisivă. Rezultatul a fost că aproximativ 84 de nave, inclusiv navele amiral ale lui Tromp și De With au ajuns la Texel sub vânt, în timp ce De Ruyter și Jan Evertsen au ajuns cu aproximativ 12 nave la Meusa sau Goree Gat în vânt, confirmându-se astfel ordinea de luptă a neerlandezilor care poziționa acești doi amirali în avangardă. Abuzul nemăsurat al lui De With asupra căpitanilor neerlandezi care au fost tăiați de restul flotei, împrăștiați și împinși sub vânt trebuie privit cu rezervă deoarece acțiunea lor a fost în mare parte rezultatul tacticilor englezilor iar motivele oferite în apărarea lor nu s-au păstrat.

Englezii au pierdut nava Oak în urma atacului unei nave incendiare, în timp ce Worcester a fost arsă până la linia de plutire într-un duel cu o navă neerlandeză. Pierderile umane ale englezilor au fost cel puțin de 500 de morți și 1.000 de răniți, printre care Thomas Graves, contra-amiral al Escadrei Albe, și James Peacock, vice-amiral al Escadrei Roșii, pe lângă 5 căpitani de vas. Dar navele engleze au fost atât de avariate încât Monck s-a îndreptat cu întreaga flotă înapoi în Anglia pentru reparații și abia după 3 săptămâni un detașament englez s-a întors pe coasta Olandei.

Sursele nu sunt de acord asupra magnitudinii pierderilor neerlandezilor. De With a declarat că au pierdut 500 de morți, 700 de răniți și 14 nave (13-14 scufundate sau arse), deși pierderile umane trebuie să fi fost mai mari iar la numărul de 10 nave de război majore scufundate trebuie să fie adăugate și navele incendiare pierdute sau consumate. De partea englezilor Penn a pretins că englezii au distrus între 20 și 30 de nave și că au suferit doar 400 de morți (2 amirali și 5 comandanți de vase de război) și 700 de răniți. Au fost luați 1.300 de prizonieri (în mare parte salvați din mare de pe navele scufundate), printre care 5 căpitani de navă. Moartea lui Tromp a fost cea mai importantă, deși au murit alți 8 căpitani. Flota neerlandeză a pierdut următoarele 10 nave: două Hollandia, West-Capelle, Eendragt, Wapen van Zeeland, Dolphijn, Omlandia, Rosenkrans, Zevenwolden și Mercurius.

La sfârșitul bătăliei nici una dintre flote nu mai era în stare să rămână pe mare, dar avantajul era clar de partea englezilor, care au reușit să se întoarcă pe coasta neerlandeză după 2 săptămâni de la bătălie (deși blocada formală nu a mai fost reluată). Ambele părți au pretins victoria: englezii datorită superiorității tactice, iar neerlandezii pentru că și-au atins obiectivul strategic al atacului - ridicarea blocadei navale. Convoaiele comerciale de care depindea viața economică a Provinciilor Unite aveau să poată din nou să plece și să vină chiar din luma următoare. Tot restul toamnei flota neerlandeză reorganizată la 70-80 unități incluzând și o parte din vasele mai grele începute la demararea războiului, a operat în Marea Nordului până pe coasta Norvegiei, escortând convoaiele comerciale. Însă moartea lui Tromp a fost o lovitură atât de puternică pentru neerlandezi încât foarte puțini mai credeau că englezii pot fi învinși facțiunea oranistă, care dorea să învingă Republica Engleză și să îi repună pe Stuarți pe tron, și-a pierdut influența politică iar marele pensionar Johan de Witt era dornic să ofere garanții oficiale lui Cromwell că Willem al III-lea de Orania, abia un copil, nu va deveni niciodată stadhouder, pentru a nu putea transforma Țările de Jos într-o bază pentru restaurarea Stuarților.

Deși au mai urmat o serie de încleștări mai mici, victoria englezilor de la Scheveningen a încheiat efectiv războiul. Ambele părți erau interesate de oprirea luptelor, neerlandezii deoarece erau disperați că fără Tromp nu îi vor putea învinge pe englezi englezii datorită costurilor devenite uriașe datorită neerlandezilor care își refăceau forțele după fiecare înfrângere. Negocieri serioase de pace au fost reluate iar pacea a fost semnată la 5 aprilie 1654. Neerlandezii au acceptat termenii Actului de Navigație, au fost de acord să își coboare steagul pentru a recunoaște pretenția englezilor de suveranitate asupra mărilor din jurul insulelor britanice, și au plătit despăgubiri de 900.000 de lire sterline. Cromwell a renunțat însă la unirea celor două republici. [2]

110-120 nave de război, cel puțin 4 nave incendiare, dintre care se cunosc cu siguranță numele a 110 nave de război cu 4.147 tunuri și 17.624 oameni (escadrele și diviziile au păstrat ordinea de la Gabbard, dar nu se cunoaște ordinea exactă a fiecărei nave în divizii și nici locul unde s-au integrat întăririle sosite după Bătălia de la Gabbard) [3]

Flota engleză (George Monck)
Rang Navă Tunuri Echipaj Căpitan
1 Resolution 88 630 Generalul-pe-mare George Monck (1608-1670)
căpitanul John Bourne
2 James 66 360 Amiralul Escadrei Albe William Penn (1621-1670)
2 George 58 350 Amiralul Escadrei Albastre John Lawson (1615-1665)
2 Triumph 62 350 Vice-amiralul Escadrei Roșii James Peacock †
2 Victory 60 300 Vice-amiralul Escadrei Albe Lionel Lane (1617-1654)
2 Vanguard 56 390 Vice-amiralul Escadrei Albastre Joseph Jordan (1603-1685)
2 Speaker 56 300 Contra-amiralul Escadrei Roșii Samuel Howett (?-1654)
2 Andrew 56 360 Contra-amiralul Escadrei Albe Thomas Graves †
2 Rainbow 58 300 Contra-amiralul Escadrei Albastre William Goodson (1610-1680)
3 Worcester 50 220 George Dakins (fregată [4] ) – arsă
3 Lion 50 220 John Lambert
3 Kentish 50 180 James Reynolds (fregată)
3 Unicorn 50 220 Peter Strong
3 Laurel 48 200 John Stokes (fregată)
3 Essex 40 250 William Brandley
3 Bear 46 200 Francis Kirby (navă capturată [5] )
4 Sussex 46 180 Roger Cuttance (fregată)
4 Richard & Martha 46 180 Eustace Smith (navă comercială armată)
4 Golden Fleece 44 180 Nicholas Forster (navă comercială armată)
4 Society 44 140 Nicholas Lucas (navă comercială armată)
4 Hannibal 44 180 William Haddock (navă comercială armată)
4 Entrance 43 200 Richard Newberry
4 Prosperous 42 180 Roger Crispe † (navă comercială armată)
4 Advice 42 180 Jeremy Smith (fregată)
4 Diamond 42 180 William Hill (fregată)
4 Marmaduke 42 160 Edward Blagg
4 Foresight 42 180 Richard Stayner (fregată)
4 Centurion 42 200 Walter Wood (fregată)
4 Portland 42 180 William Rause
4 Pelican 40 180 Peter Mootham
4 Adventure 40 160 Robert Nixon (fregată)
4 London 40 200 Arthur Browne (navă comercială armată)
4 Tiger 40 170 Gabriel Saunders (fregată)
4 Violet 40 180 Henry Southwood
4 Assistance 40 180 William Crispin (fregată)
4 Reformation 40 160 Anthony Earning (navă comercială armată)
4 (Great) President 40 180 John Reeve
4 Nonsuch 40 170 Thomas Penrose (fregată)
4 Hampshire 40 180 Robert Blake Jr.
4 William 40 180 John Taylor † (navă comercială armată)
4 Discovery 40 180 Thomas Marriott
4 Portsmotuth 38 170 Theophilus Sacheverell (fregată)
4 Sapphire 38 140 Nicholas Heaton (fregată)
4 Sophia 38 160 Rowland Bevan (navă capturată)
4 Lisbont Merchant 38 140 Simon Bailey (navă comercială armată)
4 Raven 38 140 Robert Taylor (navă capturată)
4 Adventure 38 160 Edward Greene (navă comercială armată)
4 Dragon 38 260 John Seaman
4 Paul 38 120 Anthony Spatchurst (navă capturată)
4 Matthias 38 160 Phillip Gethings
4 Mary prize 37 120 Henry Maddison (navă capturată)
4 Malaga Merchant 36 140 Herny Collins (navă comercială armată)
4 Hound 36 120 Jonathan Hide (navă capturată)
4 Thomas & William 36 140 John Jefferson (navă comercială armată)
4 Phoenix 36 120 Owen Cox
4 Assurance 36 160 Phillip Holland (fregată)
4 Crown 36 160 Thomas Thompson (navă capturată)
4 King Fernando 36 140 Richard Paine (navă comercială armată)
4 William & John 36 120 Nathaniel Jesson (navă comercială armată)
4 Stork 36 120 Roger Harman
4 Elizabeth 36 120 Christopher Myngs
4 Golden Cock 36 120 Edmund Chapman †
4 Loyalty 34 150 John Limbry
4 Ann & Joyce 34 119 William Pile (navă comercială armată)
4 Guinea frigate 32 150 Edmund Curtis (fregată)
4 Sarah 34 140 Francis Steward (navă comercială armată)
4 Thomas & Lucy 34 125 Andrew Rand (navă comercială armată)
4 Gift 34 130 Thomas Salmon † (navă capturată)
4 Hopeful Luke 34 120 Thomas Petty (navă comercială armată)
4 Employment 34 120 Cox (navă comercială armată)
4 Mayflower 34 120 William Newman † (navă capturată)
4 Providence frigate 33 140 John Pearce (fregată)
4 Hamburg Merchant 32 110 William Jessell (navă comercială armată)
4 Peter 32 100 John Littleton
4 Expedition frigate 32 120 Thomas Vallis (fregată)
4 Gillyflower 32 120 John Hayward (navă capturată)
4 Middelburg 32 120 Thomas Whiting (navă capturată)
4 Oak 32 120 John Edwin (navă capturată) – arsă
4 Eastland Merchant 32 130 John Walters (navă comercială armată)
4 Convert 32 120 Philip Gethings (navă capturată)
4 Benjamin 32 120 Robert Spark (navă comercială armată)
4 Tulip 32 120 Joseph Cubbit (navă capturată)
4 Dragoneer 32 110 Edward Smith (navă comercială armată)
4 John & Abigail 32 120 ? (navă comercială armată)
4 Little Charity 32 110 William Witheborne
4 Constant Warwick 32 110 Richard Potter
4 Satisfaction 32 110 Michael Nutton
4 Four Sisters 30 120 Robert Becke (navă capturată)
4 Exchange 30 100 Henry Teddiman (navă comercială armată)
4 Globe 30 110 Robert Coleman (navă comercială armată)
4 Waterhound 30 120 Giles Shelly (navă capturată)
4 Industry 30 100 Benjamin Salmon (navă comercială armată)
4 Samaritan 30 120 Shadrach Blake (navă comercială armată)
4 Samuel Talbot 30 110 Joseph Ames (navă comercială armată)
4 Roebuck 30 100 Henry Fenn (navă comercială armată)
4 Dolphin 30 120 Robert Davis
4 Jonathan 30 110 Robert Graves (navă comercială armată)
4 Blossom 30 110 Nathaniel Cock (navă capturată)
4 Culpepper 30 120 Thomas Cheney (navă comercială armată)
4 Half Moon 30 110 Bartholomew Kitcher
4 Falmouth frigate 28 100 John Jeffreys (fregată)
4 Prudent Mary 28 100 John Taylor (navă comercială armată)
4 Mermaid 26 100 John King
4 Advantage 26 100 Edmund Thompson
4 Recovery 26 100 Francis Allen
5 Dutchess 24 90 Richard Suffild (navă capturată)
5 Eagle 22 110 Anthony Young (navă comercială armată)
? John & Katherine ? ? John Tarrant (navă comercială armată)
? Exeter Merchant ? ? Robert Matkey (navă comercială armată)
? Victory ? ? Nicholas Mitchell (navă comercială armată)
? Seven Brothers ? ? ? (navă comercială armată)
Fortune 10 30 Humphrey Morris (navă incendiară)
Renown 10 30 James Salmon (navă incendiară)
Falcon 10 30 Tuttle (navă incendiară)
Hunter 10 30 John Bowrey (navă incendiară)


Din cele 110-127 nave de război prezente, se cunosc cu siguranță 112 dintre ele cu 3.527 tunuri și 13.739 oameni (navele nu sunt în linia de bătaie) [6]


Political tensions between the Commonwealth and the Republic

During the English Civil War the Dutch stadtholder Frederick Henry had given major financial support to Charles I of England, to whom he had close family ties, and had often been on the brink of intervening with his powerful army. When Charles was beheaded, the Dutch were outraged by the regicide. As a consequence, Oliver Cromwell considered the Dutch Republic as an enemy. Nevertheless, the Commonwealth and the Dutch Republic had many things in common: they were both republican and Protestant. After the death of Frederick Henry, his son, stadtholder William II of Orange, tried to fulfill the monarchical aspirations his late father had always fostered by establishing a military dictatorship. The States of Holland then made overtures to Cromwell, seeking his support against William, suggesting vaguely that the province of Holland might join the Commonwealth.

The Navigation Act passed by British Parliament in 1651 limited Dutch trade with any of the British colonies in America unless the shipping was done in "British bottoms"—British ships. Indeed, any shipping coming into British ports or the ports of British colonies from anywhere in the world was required to be carried in British ships. [2] Furthermore, the Navigation Act forbade all trade with those British colonies that retained connections and sympathy for the royalist cause of Charles I. Acceptance of the terms of the Navigation Act was seen by the Dutch as subordinating Dutch trade to the British trading system. [5] This insulted Dutch pride and damaged their economy, but the true cause of the war was the actions of the English navy and privateers against Dutch shipping. In 1651, 140 Dutch merchantmen were seized on the open seas. During January 1652 alone, another 30 Dutch ships were captured at sea and taken to English ports. Protests to England by the States General of the United Provinces were of no avail: the English Parliament showed no inclination toward curbing these seizures of Dutch shipping. [2]


The English delegation to The Hague

On November 6, 1650, the Stadholder of the United Princes, William II, died suddenly. He had been a popular prince from the royal House of Orange when he was elected Stadholder in 1647. However, during his term as Stadholder, William II had faced a growing discontent against his policies from the States Party in the United Provinces: the political faction identified most closely with the idea of rule by the States General rather than by Orangist princes like William II. The States Party was especially powerful in the large commercially oriented province of Holland. To obtain support against William II, the States Party of the province of Holland had sought support from Oliver Cromwell. Now with William II dead, the States Party was in a much stronger position politically, and there was no longer any real need for Cromwell's support against the Stadholderate.

When on 28 January 1651 the States General officially recognised the Commonwealth, they fully expected this to solve all the problems between the two countries. To their enormous embarrassment, however, on March 7, 1651, a delegation of 246 from Cromwell arrived in The Hague, [5] headed by Oliver St John, to negotiate the conditions under which the Dutch Republic might unite itself with England, as Scotland was united with England. Cromwell had taken the earlier suggestions of a merger of England and Holland far too seriously. In an attempt at politeness, the English delegation left it to the Dutch to produce the first proposals but the Dutch were too stunned and confused for a coherent reaction. After a month of deadlock, the English delegation disclosed a plan by Cromwell to divide the world into two spheres of influence: the Dutch could control Africa and Asia in return they would assist the English in conquering both Americas from the Spanish. Cromwell hoped that this way the colonial rivalry would be eased by giving the English their own profitable empire. But the Dutch saw it as an absurd grandiose scheme, which offered them little hope for profit but the certainty of much expense and a new war in the Spanish-held Southern Netherlands. After much deliberation by the delegates of the seven provinces, on 24 June they made a counter-proposal of 36 articles, which they hoped would be agreeable to the English without involving themselves in a war for world conquest. This proposal was in essence a free trade agreement. Nothing could have angered the English delegation more. It was precisely the fact that the English were unable to compete with the Dutch under conditions of free trade that lay at the heart of the conflict between them. They interpreted the counter-proposal as a deliberate affront.

Meanwhile other events had convinced the British delegation of Dutch animosity. The Hague was the residence of the young widow of William II, Charles I's daughter Mary Henrietta Stuart, the Princess Royal. Because of her presence in the Hague, those English noblemen in exile not fighting with her brother Charles in Scotland had mostly gathered in The Hague: turning the Hague into a Royalist bulwark. Also, The Hague had been for many years an Orangist stronghold. The delegation members, all supporters of Cromwell's Commonwealth, could only leave their lodgings under armed escort, for fear of being assaulted by Royalists or large Royalist mobs of Dutch townsmen in the pay of the Royalists. At the same time, no aid could be expected from the States of Holland, who feared open revolt if they tried to restore order between the English factions.

Deeply disappointed, the English delegates left for England in the last week of June, reporting that the Dutch were untrustworthy and that the United Provinces were under the control of the Orangist party and thus a threat to the security of the Commonwealth.


Outbreak of war [ edit | edit source ]

French support for the English royalists had led the Commonwealth to issue letters of marque against French ships and against French goods in neutral ships. These letters carried the right to search neutral ships, which were mostly Dutch. Infuriated by the treatment of the English delegation in The Hague and emboldened by their victory against Charles in the Battle of Worcester, the English Parliament passed the first of the Navigation Acts in October 1651. It ordered that only English ships and ships from the originating country could import goods to England. This measure was particularly aimed at hampering the shipping of the highly trade-dependent Dutch and often used as a pretext simply to take their ships as General Monck put it: "The Dutch have too much trade, and the English are resolved to take it from them." ΐ] Agitation among the Dutch merchants was further increased by George Ayscue's capture in early 1652 of 27 Dutch ships trading with the royalist colony of Barbados in contravention of an embargo imposed by the Commonwealth. Over a hundred other Dutch ships were captured by English privateers between October 1651 and July 1652. Moreover, the death of Dutch stadtholder William II, who had favoured an expansion of the army at the expense of the navy, had led to a change in the defence policy of the United Provinces towards protecting the great trading concerns of Amsterdam and Rotterdam. Accordingly, the States-General decided on 3 March 1652 to expand the fleet by hiring and equipping 150 merchant ships as ships of war to allow effective convoying against hostile English actions.

The news of this decision reached London on 12 March 1652 and the Commonwealth too began to prepare for war, but as both nations were unready, war might have been delayed if not for an unfortunate encounter between the fleets of Dutch Lieutenant-Admiral Maarten Tromp and General at Sea Robert Blake in the English Channel near Dover on 29 May 1652. An ordinance of Cromwell required all foreign fleets in the North Sea or the Channel to dip their flag in salute, reviving an ancient right the English had long insisted on, but when Tromp was tardy to comply, Blake opened fire, starting the brief Battle of Goodwin Sands. Tromp lost two ships but escorted his convoy to safety.


Battle

The winds were fierce on 30 July and overnight, giving both fleets pause. Around 7:00 a.m. in the morning of 31 July, the Dutch gained an advantage from the weather and attacked, led by Brederode. The fleets moved through each other four times. [5] Tromp was killed early in the fight by a sharpshooter in the rigging of Sir William Penn's ship. [2] His death was kept secret to keep up the morale of the Dutch but by late afternoon, twelve of their ships had either been sunk or captured and many were too damaged to continue the fight. In the end, morale broke and a large group of vessels under the command of merchant captains fled to the north. De With tried to halt their flight but had to limit himself to covering the retreat to the island of Texel. The English fleet was also badly damaged and with many wounded in urgent need of treatment, returned to port to refit and were unable to maintain the blockade.


Cromwell’s Hooves I

The establishment of the Protectorate did nothing to solve the underlying dilemma of the military regime. Cromwell had 160 ships, eighteen foot and twelve horse regiments to maintain: too many to pay for by any politically acceptable means, but too few to sustain him in power by naked force. His first, carefully hand-picked, Parliament of August 1654 had to be dissolved when it demanded a reduction in the military establishment. The conquest of Scotland and Ireland called for more troops in garrison than it yielded extra tax revenue, making the overall situation worse. As before, the Navy remained politically suspect to the army, but militarily vital to its survival. By the spring of 1654 the three Generals at Sea (the plural form was first used officially in December 1653) were Colonel Robert Blake (only survivor of the original three), Cromwell’s brother-in-law Major-General John Desborough, and the former vice-admiral William Penn, the first and only sea officer ever to be trusted with naval command by the army. George Monck went to command the army in Scotland in January 1654, Desborough (like Popham before him) concentrated on administration ashore, leaving Blake and Penn as active commanders-in-chief afloat. The new vice-admiral was John Lawson, a sea officer of long experience, but more or less an Anabaptist in religion, and suspected of Leveller sympathies. In October 1654 Lawson and his captains in the Channel squadron received a petition from their ships’ companies complaining of impressment and long-overdue pay. Resolving at a formal council of war that the petition was justified, they forwarded it to Cromwell. Undoubtedly they sympathized with their men’s grievances (as well they might), but in the circumstances this was a political act not much short of a veiled threat. Cromwell dared not dismiss so popular an officer as Lawson (that was how half the fleet had been lost to the Royalists in 1648), but it was all the more urgent to find some employment for the Navy which would keep it out of politics.

‘God has not brought us hither where we are,’ Cromwell informed his Parliament, ‘but to consider the work that we may do in the world.’ For obvious political reasons, he wanted disaffected senior officers and unpaid soldiers and sailors to be found work in parts of the world well away from Whitehall. Once again, war seemed to be the only way out of the regime’s political difficulties. The choice lay between France and Spain, and for much of 1654 Cromwell kept his options open. The unofficial war with France continued. Blake was sent to the Mediterranean with a squadron whose threatening presence forced the from any possibility of effective English help, and required only words.

Once in the Mediterranean, Blake was drawn into war with Tunis. The three North African Regencies of Algiers, Tunis and Tripoli – the ‘Barbary States’ as they were known in Christian Europe – were nominally dependencies of the Ottoman Empire, but in practice semi-independent states which kept up a permanent state of war for motives very similar to Cromwell’s. They too had soldiers (their Turkish garrisons) all too apt to intervene in politics if not distracted by a foreign war. The resulting system of warfare, the corso, was not piracy (though the term is still often used by Western writers) but public, declared war waged largely by private interests. Their political situation obliged the Regencies to be always at war against some of the Christian powers, but never against all, for the corso was primarily a system of slave-raiding, in which the profits came chiefly from ransoms and sales, and which therefore depended on commercial relations across the Mediterranean. In practice the Regencies made and observed treaties of peace with some scrupulousness, and were frequently enraged by breaches of faith on the Christian side. Christian naval powers, obsessed with the misleading idea of ‘Barbary piracy’, had been mounting naval expeditions against the Regencies for centuries, but it was extremely difficult to make an impression on populous and strongly fortified cities on a dangerous lee shore. The English had already had some experience of this in the 1630s, but they still understood very little of the strategic, or indeed the moral, situation. In this case Tunis had gone to war because an English merchant ship had sold Tunisian passengers into slavery at Malta. This eminently justified retaliation, described by Blake as ‘the barbarous carriage of these pirates’, was his excuse for attacking them.

Tunis itself was invulnerable, but in the bay of Porto Farina (El Bahira) Blake found nine small warships sheltering under shore batteries, and on 4 April 1655 destroyed them all. The affair was, and usually still is, represented as a triumph against long odds, but a careful reading of the sources suggests that the defence was not formidable. The strategic profit of the victory was less than nothing, as the Dey of Tunis afterwards explained to Blake with sardonic amusement. The ships belonged not to him but to his overlord the Sultan, whose local power he was not sorry to diminish, and on whose goodwill the lucrative trade of the English Levant Company in Ottoman ports entirely depended. Having seriously damaged English interests, Blake was obliged to retreat with no concessions whatever. Visiting Algiers, the only port in the Western Mediterranean where he could buy victuals, he kept the peace and ransomed some English captives, paying well above the market price. Tunis and Tripoli continued to attack English merchant ships until in 1658 Captain John Stoakes, an officer of sense and moderation, was able to negotiate a peace.

While Blake was in the Mediterranean, Cromwell and his Council of State had decided to go to war against Spain rather than France. On his way home he received orders for hostilities, and actually met a Spanish fleet off Cape St Vincent on 15 August 1655, but his cautious interpretation of ambiguous instructions deterred him from attacking, and he returned empty-handed at the beginning of October. By the army especially, Spain was seen as a more Catholic country than France, therefore a more natural target for Englishmen, God’s chosen instruments for chastising the Anti-Christ. It was also held indirectly responsible for the persecution of the Waldensians. ‘What peace can we rejoice in,’ General Fleetwood and his officers demanded, ‘when the whoredom, murthers and witchcrafts of Jezebel are so many?’ Better still, as the renegade former Dominican friar Thomas Gage advised, ‘the Spaniards cannot oppose much, being a lazy, sinful people, feeding like beasts upon their lusts, and upon the fat of the land, and never trained up to wars’. Spain was well known to be fabulously wealthy, and to derive that wealth from silver and gold mined in the Americas. Nothing would be easier than to cut off that flow, and solve England’s financial crisis at a stroke. The centrepiece of the plan was the ‘Western Design’, a major amphibious expedition to the Spanish Caribbean. With 3,600 regular troops, plus the support of the English colonists of Barbados and New England who, Cromwell believed, would flock to so agreeable a climate, this would suffice to take and hold Santo Domingo, or Puerto Rico, or Havana, or Cartagena, or perhaps all four of them.

This delightful strategic prospect did not distract Cromwell from the political requirements of the operation. Though the army officers seem to have been good, the troops were made up by drafting from the regiments of the New Model Army those who would least be missed, on military or political grounds. The naval command was given to Penn, but he was subordinated to General Robert Venables, and both of them were limited by the authority of two ‘civil commissioners’, who secretly reported to Cromwell on their activities and loyalty. None of this made for mutual trust, or simplified the command structure of the expedition, and experience was to prove that in moments of crisis Venables was very willing to defer to other authorities – not least his wife, who accompanied him. The administrative preparations were entrusted to a committee led by General Desborough, which left both services scantily equipped and victualled.

The expedition approached the coast of Hispaniola in April 1655, alarmed to discover it ‘rocky, and a great surf of the sea against it in so much that in many places we saw the beatings of the water appear afar off like the smoke of ordnance, the wind being but indifferent’. On the 14th they got ashore at a place thirty miles from their target, the city of Santo Domingo. The country was almost waterless, and the soldiers had no waterbottles. Approaching the city four days later through thick bush, they were routed in an ambush by a few hundred local cowboys (vaqueros). Some of the officers died gallantly, and the ‘sea regiment’ of sailors preserved their discipline, but otherwise the affair was a disgraceful fiasco. Penn’s ships had meanwhile bombarded the city, but its seaward defences were strong, and the ships kept a respectful distance. Having re-embarked the survivors of the army, Penn urged another attempt, but the army officers, Venables in particular, were too dejected to try.

In one afternoon the invincible reputation of the New Model Army had been thrown away. The commanders dared not return to Cromwell without something to show for their labours, so they resolved to attack Jamaica. The island was apparently valueless, but for that reason the Spaniards had hardly settled or fortified it. On 11 May the English landed, and this time Penn personally took charge of the operation, ‘for after the miscarriage at Hispaniola,’ one of the civil commissioners reported to Cromwell, ‘I have privately heard him say, “he would not trust the army with the attempt, if he could come near with his ships” and indeed did, in the Martin galley, run in till she was aground before their breast-work in the bottom of the harbour…’ The Spaniards surrendered in six days, but this was only the beginning of the English difficulties. Jamaica was ideal for guerilla warfare and easily accessible from Cuba. It was almost uncultivated, and the troops were soon sickly and starving. To relieve the shortage of victuals Penn (and Venables) took the bulk of the fleet home, arriving on 31 August 1655, when Cromwell put both commanders in the Tower.

For some time it was doubtful if the English would be able to hold on to their new possession in the face of disease, starvation and Spanish attack. In the late 1650s, however, the infant colony discovered a means of livelihood and defence: buccaneering. The Spanish government still held to its original colonial policy, according to which all seas and lands west of the Azores and south of the Tropic of Cancer were Spanish property in which the very presence of any foreigner (indeed, strictly any non-Castilian) was punishable by death. All Spain’s treaties with foreign powers explicitly excepted this area, so that there was literally ‘no peace beyond the line’, even with countries with which Spain was at peace in Europe. Though there were now permanent French, Dutch and English settlements in the Caribbean, no trading vessel, however peaceful her intentions, could safely enter these waters without being prepared to defend herself. Yet there was much trade to be done, particularly with Spanish colonies which were very poorly served by the official shipping system. This situation generated a mixture of trade, smuggling and low-level hostilities, and gave ample opportunities to pirates and others who hoped to make their fortunes without the necessity of hard work. The buccaneers were originally a mixed collection of non-Spaniards who inhabited unsettled parts of the islands, living by hunting wild cattle. By the 1640s many had settled on the island of Tortuga, off the north coast of Hispaniola, and taken up a more active and lucrative life of raiding Spanish towns. Some buccaneers were also pirates, but the two trades were distinct, for most buccaneers were not seamen, and used ships chiefly as transport in their essentially amphibious warfare. Both groups depended on access to ports where they could sell booty and buy supplies, and the new English settlement of Port Royal, Jamaica, rapidly developed as their leading base in the Caribbean. Successive governors of Jamaica were very willing to legitimize their activities by granting privateering commissions against Spain. Their attacks were the island’s best form of defence, and almost its only livelihood. The few warships of the State’s Navy which remained on the station after Penn went home took a leading part in the same business. Its most notable exponent was Captain Christopher Myngs of the Marston Moor, who in the spring of 1659 returned from a raid along the ‘Spanish Main’ (the north coast of South America modern Venezuela and Colombia) with booty worth £2–300,000, most of which was never declared to Governor D’Oyley’s improvised prize court, but disappeared into the pockets of Myngs and his men.

In England, meanwhile, Cromwell was faced with a war with Spain which had yielded nothing but shame and expense. Some of his illusions were gone, but he needed money more than ever, and still believed that ‘six nimble frigates’ would suffice to blockade the coast of Spain and cut off the flow of bullion. Blake, the expert on that coast, and the only senior commander left in the Navy whom Cromwell could trust, was seriously ill. Lawson was appointed as his second-in-command, but however much Cromwell wanted him out of home waters, he was clearly alarmed that he might succeed to the command. Blake was therefore provided with a colleague, Colonel Edward Mountague, a reliable young Cromwellian who had never been to sea. His job was to remind Lawson and the sea officers (perhaps Blake too) who was master. Some of the captains expressed moral scruples about a war of unprovoked aggression, and about taking their unpaid men to sea again, leaving their families to starve. For Cromwell and Mountague, this was plain evidence of subversion, no doubt linked to a Leveller conspiracy which they had just suppressed in the army. ‘It is not for us to mind state affairs,’ Mountague warned the seamen bluntly, ‘but to stop the foreigner from fooling us,’ Lawson and three captains, however, persisted in thinking for themselves, and resigned rather than serve in such circumstances.

Blake and Mountague sailed without them, arriving off Cadiz on 20 April 1656. Briefly considering the possibility of taking Gibraltar (impracticable for want of troops), they were able to establish a base at Lisbon. Blake now settled to the exhausting and dispiriting business of blockade which he knew so well. ‘The Spaniard uses his buckler more than his sword,’ commented Philip Meadowe, English agent in Portugal, in July 1656. ‘In the Dutch war we were sure of an enemy that would fight, besides good prizes to help to pay charges but the Spaniard will neither fight nor trade.’ Occasionally the monotony was varied by Spanish galleys which looked out of Cadiz, ‘but do no damage,’ Captain Thomas Pointer wrote,

unless it be in rousing us to expend a great deal of powder to no purpose, they always keeping without the range of our guns and English gunners are so unskillful – that they have spent in two days time above 3 or 400 shot – there has been no damage done on either side, but only expense of powder and shot.

Then in September, while Blake and Mountague were at Lisbon, the news arrived that Captain Richard Stayner of the Speaker, left on watch off Cadiz with eight ships, had intercepted an inward-bound Spanish silver convoy. Two ships were taken, and three burned or sunk. Much of the treasure went down with them and the richest ship escaped, but an estimated £200,000 in silver was taken. When it heard the news, a euphoric Parliament believed the prizes might be worth £600,000 or even a million, sufficient to pay for the war. In fact only £45,000 ever reached England. The rest stuck to the fingers of Stayner’s unpaid officers and men (not excepting Stayner’s own). After this triumph Mountague came home with the bulk of the ships, leaving Blake at Lisbon. The ships needed a refit, and a Leveller-Fifth Monarchist rising (followed by the imprisonment of Lawson among others) persuaded Cromwell that he needed a strong force in the Channel. Mountague was also able to get essential supplies sent to Blake, who had repeatedly requested them in vain.


See also

Notes

Citations

  1. ^Israel 1995, p. 726.
  2. ^ Israel (1997), p. 1117
  3. ^ Israel (1995), pp. 721-2
  4. ^ Rickard, J. (11 December 2000), First Anglo-Dutch War (1652-1654), History of War.
  5. ^ Groenveld (1987), pp. 542
  6. ^ Groenveld (1987), p. 543
  7. ^ abcde Israel (1995), p. 715
  8. ^ ab Israel (1995), pp. 714-715
  9. ^ Groenveld (1987), p. 544
  10. ^Wilson 2009, p. 746. sfn error: no target: CITEREFWilson2009 (help)
  11. ^Israel 1995, pp. 197–199.
  12. ^Israel 1995, p. 714.
  13. ^ Groenveld (1987), pp. 547-51
  14. ^ Groenveld (1987), pp. 554-5
  15. ^ Groenveld (1987), p. 547
  16. ^ Israel (1995), p. 611
  17. ^August 1650: An Act for the Advancing and Regulating of the Trade of this Commonwealth.
  18. ^Chapter III - The Commercial Policy of England Toward the American Colonies: the Acts of Trade, in Emory R. Johnson, T. W. Van Metre, G. G. Huebner, D. S. Hanchett, History of Domestic and Foreign Commerce of the United States - Vol. 1, Carnegie Institution of Washington, 1915 – via Questia (subscription required)
  19. ^ Adam Anderson, An historical and chronological deduction of the origin of commerce: from the earliest accounts to the present time. . , V. 2, p.415-416 (1764)
  20. ^ Bruijn (2016), pp. 79, 82
  21. ^ Bruijn (2016), pp. 77, 83-4
  22. ^ Israel (1995), p. 537
  23. ^ Bruijn (2016), pp. 84-5
  24. ^ Bruijn (2011), pp. 5, 8-9
  25. ^ Bruijn (2011), pp. 23-4
  26. ^ ab Bruijn (2016), p. 84
  27. ^ ab Bruijn (2016), p. 87
  28. ^ Bruijn (2011), p. 47
  29. ^ Bruijn (2011), pp. 67-8
  30. ^ Bruijn (2016), pp. 82
  31. ^ Fox (2009), pp. 67-8
  32. ^ Coward (2002), pp.123-4
  33. ^ Fox (2009), pp. 42-4
  34. ^ Fox (2009), pp. 38,46
  35. ^ Israel (1995), pp. 715–716
  36. ^ Fox (2009), p. 48
  37. ^ ab Coward (2002), p.125
  38. ^ ab Israel (1995), p. 714
  39. ^ Groenveld (1987), pp. 544-5
  40. ^ Rowen (1990), p. 73
  41. ^ Rowen (1990), p. 74
  42. ^ ab Godwin (1827), p. 371
  43. ^ Coward (2002), pp.125-6
  44. ^ Rowen (1990), p. 81
  45. ^ Rowen (1990), p. 82
  46. ^ ab Groenveld (1987), pp. 552-3
  47. ^ Rowen (1990), pp. 81-2
  48. ^ Rowen (1990), pp. 91-22
  49. ^ Godwin (1827), pp. 371-2
  50. ^ Groenveld (1987), p. 555
  51. ^ Groenveld (1997), p. 545
  52. ^ Godwin (1827), pp. 353-4, 373
  53. ^ Coward (2002), p.126
  54. ^ Groenveld (1997), pp. 555-6
  55. ^ Groenveld (1997), pp. 553-4, 556
  56. ^ abc Groenveld (1997), p. 556
  57. ^ Israel (1997), p. 1118
  58. ^ Israel (1997), pp. 1117-8
  59. ^ Godwin (1827), p. 360
  60. ^ Groenveld (1997), pp. 563-4
  61. ^ Godwin (1827), pp. 357-9
  62. ^ Godwin (1827), pp. 360-1
  63. ^ Groenveld (1987), p. 558
  64. ^ Godwin (1827), pp. 360, 366-7
  65. ^ Low (1872), p.35
  66. ^ Kennedy (1976), p. 48
  67. ^ Groenveld (1987), p. 565
  68. ^ Groenveld (1987), pp. 547, 565
  69. ^ Low (1872), pp.35-6
  70. ^ Bruijn (2011), pp. 104-5
  71. ^ Low (1872), p.37
  72. ^ Bruijn (2011), p. 61
  73. ^ Low (1872), p.38
  74. ^ Low (1872), pp.40-1
  75. ^ Coward (2002), p.127
  76. ^ Pincus (2002), p.104
  77. ^ Davis (2012), pp.12-13,55
  78. ^ Fox (2018), pp.69-70
  79. ^ Boxer (1957), pp.245-7
  80. ^ Palmer (1997), p.129
  81. ^ Low (1872), pp.41-2
  82. ^ Palmer (1997), pp.132-3
  83. ^ Palmer (1997), pp.127, 133
  84. ^ Palmer (1997), pp.134
  85. ^ Palmer (1997), pp.137-8
  86. ^ ab Pincus (2002), pp.105-6
  87. ^ Pincus (2002), p.120
  88. ^ Coward (2002), pp.127-8
  89. ^ Pincus (2002), pp.128, 140
  90. ^ Pincus (2002), p.185
  91. ^ Pincus (2002), p.181
  92. ^ Bruijn (2011), p. 62
  93. ^ ab Low (1872), pp.43-4
  94. ^ Bruijn (2011), pp. 62-3
  95. ^ The First Modern Economy: Success, Failure, and Perseverance . Cambridge University press Jan de Vries, Ad van der Woude
  96. ^ Israel (1995), p. 721
  97. ^ Israel (1997), p. 1120
  98. ^ Rommelse (2006), p. 24
  99. ^ Israel (1995), p. 722
  100. ^ Rommelse (2006), p. 26
  101. ^ Israel (1995), pp. 723-4

HARD TIMES

Rembrandt's Girl With a Broom

Some decades ago, I visited the Toledo (Ohio) Museum of Art to view a traveling exhibit titled “The Dutch Reformation.” The darkly painted landscapes engulfing tiny human figures, the ports overcrowded with heavily masted ships, the portraits of maids at their daily chores and the red-cheeked men lifting their glasses at taverns were captivating. Fueling this wave of creativity were the newly rich burghers and the art guilds, whose members sold their works in the markets. Among the masters detailing life in the 17th century Netherlands were my favorites, Rembrandt and Vermeer.


The Battle of Scheveningen, 10 August 1653 by Jan Abrahamsz Beerstraaten, painted c. 1654, depicts the final battle of the First Anglo-Dutch-War.

The young William received much of his early religious training from his mother, because of the admiral’s long absences at sea. Although Admiral Penn’s fierce loyalty remained with the crown, perhaps because of the maternal Dutch influence, they were not as staunch in their fealty to the state-mandated Anglican religion. When the family removed to Ireland during the elder Penn’s service as vice-admiral and were living at Macroom Castle in County Cork, which the family was granted instead of the property of his wife, Margaret, Admiral Penn invited Thomas Loe, the itinerant Irish preacher who was a disciple of George Fox, founder of the Quaker movement, to his home. At the age of 12 or 13, William had a spiritual experience he later described as God appearing unto him and making it clear there was important work for him.

“True religion does not draw men out of the world but enables them to live better in it and excites their endeavors to mend it.”

In 1670, British authorites padlocked Gracechurch Street Friends Meetinghouse in London, where Penn was a prominent member. Denied access to the church, Penn took his preaching to the streets, where hundreds gathered to hear him. He was arrested and charged with inciting a riot. Bolstered with his legal training at Liberty Inn, Penn used the trial to argue against the charges.

"If these ancient and fundamental laws, which relate to liberty and property, and which are not limited to particular persuasions in matters of religion, must not be indispensably maintained and observed, who then can say that he has a right to the coat on his back? Certainly our liberties are to be openly invaded, our wives to be ravished, our children slaved, our families ruined, and our estates led away in triumph by every sturdy beggar and malicious informer -- as their trophies but our forfeits for conscience's sake."

The jury members, which refused to convict him, were fined and imprisoned, but were they vindicated by the lord chief justice on appeal. Their victory and Penn’s established the principle of independence of the jury in British law.

Penn made short trips to Germany and Holland to see how Quakers there were faring. In Holland, he experienced a country unencumbered by laws that outlawed dissenting religions and he began to visualize a community based on the equality of its citizens. When he returned to England, he presented his notion of religious toleration to Parliament, but its members were more worried about the royal family of the Stuarts reinstating Catholicism, as the Duke of York had converted to that religion and was married to a devout Catholic.

William Penn's first wife, Gulielma Maria Springett

In 1672 he married Gulielma Maria Springett. Gulielma was the daughter of Lady Mary Proude Penington by her first husband, Sir William Springett. Gulielma shared her husband’s Quakerism, and he was devoted to her. In a letter to her just before he first sailed to America, he wrote:

My Dear Wife,
Remember thou was the love of my youth, and much the joy of my life - the most beloved as well as the most worthy of all my earthly comforts and the reason of that love was more thy inward than thy outward excellencies, which yet are many. God knows and thou knowest I can say it was a match of His making and God's image in us both was the first thing, and the most amiable and engaging ornament in our eyes. Now I am to leave thee, and that without knowing whether I shall ever see thee more in this world. Take my counsel into thy bosom, and let it dwell with thee in my stead while thou livest.

Penn had another idea: He called in a debt owed his father by King Charles II, and, on March 4, 1681, he was presented with the charter for Pennsylvania. In August 1682, he gained the rights to Delaware from his friend James, the Duke of York. His ostensible goal was to sell tracts of land to investors, but his spiritual goal, as he explained to his friend and land agent for Pennsylvania, James Harrison, was to create a "holy experiment" that would become the “seed of a nation." With this goal in mind, he wrote a charter of liberties, based on his belief in a divine right of government, for the 7,000 residents of his territory. A sentence in this first Frame of Government reads:

Men being born with a title to perfect freedom and uncontrolled enjoyment of all the rights and privileges of the law of nature . no one can be put out of his estate and subjected to the political view of another, without his consent.

Thomas Jefferson would later call Penn “the greatest law-giver the world has produced.” Penn remained as governor of his new colony from the fall of 1682 until August 1684. During this first sojourn, he drew up treaties with the Delaware, Iroquois and other native leaders. He also began construction on his mansion. He had this to say in a farewell:

And thou. Philadelphia, the virgin settlement of this province, named before thou wast born, what love, what care, what service, and what travail hath there been to bring thee forth and preserve thee from such as would abuse and defile thee! My soul prays to God for thee, that thou mayest stand in the day of trial, that thy children may be blessed of the Lord, and thy people saved by his power.

Penn did not return to his colony of Pennsylvania until 1699. His Quaker preachments were still considered dangerous by the authorities, but England had other troubles. Penn remained a supporter of Catholic-leaning King James II, who abdicated during the bloodless “Glorious Revolution” of 1688 led by the Dutch prince William of Orange and his consort, Mary, the Protestant daughter of James. Suspected of treason, Penn lost control of his colony from 1692 to 1694. He also suffered the loss of his wife on February 23, 1694.

Gulielma and William had been married two decades. The Rev. S.F. Hotchkin wrote a tender account of this sad occasion:

The blessed end is thus described by the husband: "She quietly expired in my arms, her head upon my bosom, with a sensible and devout resignation of her soul to Almighty God. I hope I may say she was a public as well as a private loss for she was not only an excellent wife and mother, but an entire and constant friend of a more than common capacity, and great modesty and humility, yet most equal and undaunted in danger religious, as well as ingenuous, without affectation an easy mistress and a good neighbor, especially to the poor neither lavish nor penurious, but an example of industry as well as of other virtues therefore our great loss, though her own eternal gain."

This lovely woman, whom her husband calls "one of ten thousand," left two sons and a daughter. These were Springett, Lætitia and William the younger. Mary and Hannah, the other children, had died in infancy.

Gulielma's health was broken by troubles, and the strain of the absence of her loved husband in the strange and distant land. She died at Hoddesden, away from her loved home. Her body was carried thence to the sweet and quiet graveyard at rustic Jordans, where her husband in after days was buried at her side, and the picture has often met the eyes of Americans. The green graves are not far from Chalfont, where began the young dreams of a pure love which are now renewed in Paradise.

In the year before his wife’s death, Penn carved out a vision for the “Present and Future Peace of Europe,” a primer for settling disputes between nations by arbitration rather than war. Centuries later, his work served as a prototype of the United Nations. The annual U.N. Day is aptly celebrated on Penn's birthday, October 24.

William Penn's second wife, Hannah Callowhill

After the loss of his wife, Penn began preaching at Quaker meetings throughout England, becoming reacquainted in Bristol with a Quaker friend and linen draper, Thomas Callowhill, whose daughter, Hannah, immediately captured his attention. At 24 and half his age, Hannah did not immediately share his interest. And a relationship was complicated by her sense that he was born to a wealthy family and because of his recent loss of fortune, and his reliance on the eventual inheritance of his late wife. But Penn was determined to win her, and wrote her letters professing his love and beseeching her to love him in return:

O let us meet here, most Dear H! the comfort is unspeakable, and the fellowship undissolvable. I would persuade my Self thou art of the same mind, though it is hard to make thee say so. Yet that must come in time, I hope and believe for why should I love so well & so much when I am not well beloved?

Even Penn’s daughter Letitia sent letters of encouragement to the young Hannah, writing:

I must tell thee that at my father’s first coming from Bristol ten months since, though I kept it to my self, I perceived which way his inclinations was going, and that he had entertained an inward and deep affection for thee, by the character he gave of thee, and the pleasure he took to recommend thee for an example to others.

It took a year, but Penn finally prevailed and the couple received approval for their marriage before a Friends meeting. Three months later, on March 5, 1696, they were married. Hannah was 24 and Penn 52.

Hannah was expecting their son John, one of seven children and later nicknamed “The American,” when Penn sailed on the ship Canterbury to Pennsylvania. To the consternation of her family, who thought that Penn would remain to help at the drapery in Bristol, Hannah went with her husband. Traveling with them was Penn’s new secretary, James Logan, and Penn’s daughter Letitia.

The return to Philadelphia had its challenges. In 1691, George Keith had led a religious schism, and Pennsylvania and Delaware had been separated into two provinces. By 1696, a charter written by William Markham, Penn’s former secretary and later governor of Delaware, had replaced Penn’s earlier charter. Penn again revised this charter when he returned.

Penn had planned to remain at his manor Pennsbury, located up the Delaware River from Philadelphia, but the political troubles in England forced him to return. In 1712, he was felled by a series of strokes that disabled him both physically and mentally. Hannah managed his affairs in Pennsylvania until his death at the age of 73 on July 30, 1718, and continued as proprietor until her own death in 1727, at which time the proprietorship of Pennsylvania passed to their sons John, Thomas and Richard.

Postscript:

On November 28, 1984, President Ronald Reagan made both Hannah and William Penn honorary citizens of the United States. Hannah Callowhill Penn was the first woman to receive this honor.


Watch the video: Θωρηκτό Γεώργιος Αβέρωφ,Ναυμαχίες Έλλης και Λήμνου